MALACHI măl’ ə kī (מַלְאָכִֽי, my messenger, my angel; LXX Μαλαχίας). The concluding composition of the short prophetic writings known collectively as the twelve minor prophets.
1. Background. With the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah, the Book of Malachi is of great importance in supplying information about the period between the return from exile and the work of Ezra and Nehemiah because of the scarcity of sources, both secular and religious, which relate to this period of Heb. history. While the prophecy is not dated in the opening verses in the manner of some others, it is possible from an examination of the internal evidence to locate the activities of the author within the period of Pers. suzerainty over Pal. This latter is evident from the mention in Malachi 1:8 of the peḥāh or office of civil governor in the Pers. empire, to which further references are found in Nehemiah 5:14; Haggai 1:1. Obviously then, the historical background of the prophecy is that of the postexilic period in Judea. Yet the book portrays religious and social conditions which point to a time subsequent to that of Haggai and Zechariah. The fact that sacrifices were spoken of as being offered in the Temple (Mal 1:7-10; 3:8) implies not merely that the structure had at last been completed, but also that it had been standing for a considerable time. In addition, the rituals of the cultus had become well established once more (Mal 1:10; 3:1, 10), and this would point to a date later than 515 b.c. That the prophet may actually have uttered his complaints against the priests and people in the following cent. seems highly probable from the fact that a certain degree of laxity had crept into cultic worship. The priests were not observing the prescriptions relating to the nature and quality of the animals offered for sacrifice (Mal 1:8), and had gone one step further in their attitude of indifference to the sacrificial requirements of the Lord by offering polluted bread before Him. Indeed, the pr ophet rebuked them sharply because their general attitude showed that they had become tired of the ritual procedures connected with worship (Mal 1:13). Clearly the initial enthusiasm which must have attended the opening of the second Temple had diminished, and with a lessening of zeal came a more casual attitude toward the prescriptions of cultic worship. This degree of neglect also extended to the payment of requisite tithes (Mal 3:8-10), which were important for the support of both the Temple and the priesthood in the postexilic period. The way in which Malachi inveighed against mixed marriages (Mal 2:10-16) suggests the traditional conservatism of the Mosaic Torah rather than the infraction of legislation already in existence relating to this matter. The expression “the daughter of a strange god” (ASV, RSV has “the daughter of a foreign god”) means “a woman of foreign or strange religion,” and its usage would seem to imply that the practice of intermarriage with women of alien religious beliefs and traditions had become so commonplace that the earlier Heb. ideals which looked with disfavor upon such unions had long since been forgotten. Since Malachi does not seem to appeal to specific regulations in this matter, it can be assumed with reasonable certainty that he was proclaiming his prophetic oracles at some point prior to 444 b.c., when Nehemiah legislated for this particular problem during his second term of office. The historical background of the Book of Malachi, therefore, is that of the period following the work of Haggai and Zechariah, and preceding the period of Ezra and Nehemiah.
2. Unity. The prophecy consists of six sections or oracles, which can be distinguished quite clearly. They reflect an accredited historical background, and deal in a uniform manner with interrelated problems. The series of questions and answers in the prophecy has obviously been arranged in such a manner as to convey an overall message relating to divine judgment and blessing, and the book bears all the marks of a single author. The only serious question as to the unity and integrity of the prophecy has been raised in relation to its final words (Mal 4:4-6), which may actually be an integral part of the sixth oracle. Some scholars have taken the reference to Elijah as constituting a later addition by the editor of the minor prophets, who may have believed that, with the end of prophecy, it was more than ever necessary for the precepts of the Torah to be followed as a preliminary to the advent of the divine herald. While this view has certain points in its favor, not the least of which was the attitude of the Qumran sectaries toward prophecy and the law, it does not admit of objective demonstration.
3. Authorship. The traditional ascription of the prophecy to an individual named Malachi was derived from the superscription in Malachi 1:1. Considerable scholarly debate has surrounded the question as to whether or not “Malachi” is a genuine proper name, since the LXX, unlike the Heb., took the word not as a cognomen but as a common noun. Thus the LXX rendered it by “my messenger,” which is in fact the meaning of the Heb., but which gave an anonymous quality to the authorship of the prophecy in the process. Unless this work was one of three separate prophetic oracles which terminated the twelve minor prophets, as some scholars have supposed, it would seem preferable on the analogy of the other prophetic compositions, to regard “Malachi” as a proper name, since the writings of the literary prophets were never anonymous works.
That there was some question in antiquity about the authorship of the Book of Malachi is apparent from the Targum of Jonathan ben Uzziel, which added the explanatory gloss “whose name is Ezra the Scribe” to Malachi 1:1. Despite the fact that this tradition was accepted by Jerome, it is actually no more valuable than similar ones which were associated with Nehemiah and Zerubbabel. While there may perhaps be some ground for thinking of the prophecy as an anonymous composition, it cannot be stated for certain that this was the case. In any event, even liberal scholars have found it convenient to refer to the author as “Malachi.” Other considerations apart, such a position weakens seriously any argument for anonymity of authorship.
4. Date. The internal evidence points clearly to the postexilic period as the time when Malachi proclaimed his oracles. Yet the religious and social conditions indicate that he prophesied some time after the second Temple had been rebuilt. The absence of any reference to the work of Ezra and Nehemiah would indicate a date prior to the religious reforms of 444 b.c. Most scholars posit a time of composition about 450 b.c., which is consistent with the internal evidence of the book. There is no reason to suppose that any significant interval of time separated the oral and written forms of the prophecy.
5. Place of origin. Given a date in the middle of the 5th cent b.c., it appears obvious that the oracles of Malachi originated in Jerusalem itself. In the light of the intimate knowledge which the prophet possessed of abuses within the cultus it would seem that he was a resident of the city, and was suffering under the somber conditions of life which obtained in the province of Judah prior to the work of Ezra and Nehemiah.
6. Destination and occasion. Because the primary objective of the prophet was to restore to the contemporary scene a sense of the essential worth of the service of God in terms of the covenant relationship, his oracles were meant for consumption by the local populace. The lay members of the theocracy had succumbed largely to indifference and skepticism, while less responsible individuals had lapsed so far from the covenantal ideals as to treat the religion of the cultus with scorn (Mal 1:14; 3:7-12). Intermarriage with pagan women brought with it the danger of indulgence in heathen religious rites, while adultery, perjury and oppression of the poor were rife (Mal 3:5). To the priests in Jerusalem Malachi addressed equally severe reprimands, accusing them of becoming bored with their religious duties and of compromising the offerings intended for the altar of God. The gross laxity of contemporary religious life, coupled with the almost complete indifference of the people of Jerusalem toward the obligations of covenant living in the restored theocracy, prompted the strictures and the promises contained in the prophecy.
7. Purpose. The prophet Malachi appears to have been as concerned as Haggai and Zechariah were about the deteriorating spirituality of the repatriated exiles. While Malachi was not in a position to engender enthusiasm for the construction of some visible symbol of the divine presence in Judea, he was able to point to the heart of the spiritual malaise which had overtaken his people. His aim was to restore the Jews to a fresh relationship with God by indicating the precise causes of contemporary spiritual declension and setting out the steps by which the life of the community could be renewed. Mindful of the fact that those elements which had precipitated the catastrophe of the Exile in 597 b.c. were still very much alive in the social order of his day, Malachi sought to instruct his hearers in the lessons taught by history, and guide them to a state of deeper spirituality and increasing material prosperity. Like Haggai before him, his dominant concern was for the recognition of spiritual priorities on the part of the restored community.
8. Canonicity. The prophecy of Malachi ranked last in the collection of minor works known as the twelve prophets. As well as regarding it as an anonymous composition, some scholars have thought that it originally had been part of the prophecy of Zechariah, but had somehow assumed an independent existence under the name of Malachi, its attributive author. But a fundamental difference in the historical background of the two works precludes such a situation, and although there may be some doubt about “Malachi” as a proper name, there was never any question among the Jews as to the canonicity of the prophecy itself. See [http://biblegateway/wiki/Canon of the Old Testament CANON OF THE OT].
9. Text. On the whole the Heb. text of Malachi has been transmitted in good condition. Only a few minor corruptions are at all evident, and in such cases the LXX is a great help in attempts at restoring the text. This VS contains the occasional extra word which may have become displaced from the original Heb., as in Malachi 1:6; 2:2, 3; 3:5. However, the LXX textual tradition was not uniform, since a few MSS omitted the Heb. of Mal 3:21.
10. Content. The prophecy can be analyzed as follows:
The foregoing oracles can be distinguished in the text quite clearly. The first oracle (1:2-5) followed the thought of Hosea in reaffirming his statement of divine love for the chosen people. Although the economic circumstances of the repatriated exiles were far from ideal, their hereditary enemies the Edomites, who had exulted over the fall of Jerusalem (Ps 137:7), had themselves suffered a major disaster. By comparison with the judgment of God upon Edom, the blessings of the divine love upon Israel were quite evident.
The second oracle (1:6-2:9) employed an arresting dialog form to denounce the priestly hierarchy for its inability to furnish that kind of moral and religious leadership which would have enabled the returned community to avoid much of the current distress. Far from honoring their God in sacrifice and cultic worship, the priests had been indifferent and even contemptuous in discharging their duties. They condoned the offering to God of animals which would have been pronounced unworthy of the service of the civil Pers. governor (1:7, 8), and their behavior contrasted unfavorably with that of pagan Gentile cults, where the sacrificial tariffs were much more stringent. Whereas the primitive Levitical priesthood had displayed spiritual integrity, its postexilic successors were in danger of falling into the evil ways of their pre-exilic forebears. The true priest must be essentially an evangelist, and a “messenger of the Lord of Hosts” (2:6, 7).
In the third oracle (2:10-16), the prophet concerned himself with the problem of mixed marriages and divorces among the laity. The whole issue had arisen because the Israelites had disregarded the implications of the covenant for community life. As a result, they had felt free to leave the fellowship of the theocracy in their search for suitable marital partners, and had imported alien women with strange beliefs which by nature were contrary to those of the Law. Such actions could hardly go unpunished (2:12), nor could the people make legitimate protest when they received the due reward of their sins, since they had only themselves to blame (2:13).
The coming of God in an act of judgment was the subject of the fourth prophetic oracle (2:17-3:5). God had grown tired of the common complaint that, by not interfering, He was actually condoning the prosperity of the wicked (2:17), and leading His people to think that there was no justice in human life. Because He was morally and ethically consistent He would come suddenly upon the nation in judgment, being heralded in this intent by means of His messenger. His purpose would be to separate the faithful from the impious, and the Temple priesthood would be the first to feel the weight of His judgments. Once the cultus had been purified and the worship of the Temple had been made more acceptable (3:3, 4), the lay members of the theocracy would themselves be judged. All who had been guilty of religious or moral crimes would be condemned (3:5), and the covenantal ideals of purity and holiness would be re-established. In consequence of these procedures the offerings of Judah and Jerusalem would once again be pleasing to God.
The fifth oracle (3:6-12) laid the responsibility for the current displeasure of God with His people squarely upon their shoulders. Because God was ethically consistent, His attitude toward them could not change without a good reason. A change had in fact occurred because the people had disobeyed His laws, and His former feelings of graciousness could be restored only when the repatriates submitted in obedience to His demands. The offense about which Malachi complained in particular was their failure to pay the tithe laid down by the law (Num 18:21). Only when this deficiency had been remedied would their land again bear fruit, and freed from the devastation of locust plagues would be the envy of their neighbors for productivity (3:8-12). The final oracle of the prophecy (3:13-4:3) dealt again with the problem of evil in human life (cf. 2:17). The devout members of the theocracy, perplexed by the fact that arrogant and willful unbelievers in the nation seemed to be more prosperous than their fellowmen and under no apparent reproach from God, had begun to question the value of a life lived in obedience to the commands of God (3:13-15). In reply the prophet indicated that a “book of remembrance” was kept before the Lord, in which the deeds of the righteous were recorded. When the day of judgment upon sinners came into being, the Lord would remember the virtuous life of the faithful and would make it clear that His service brings its own rich blessings. The promised judgment would see sinners destroyed for their iniquity, while the pious believers would enjoy felicity and blessedness (4:1-3).
The concluding verses of the prophecy (4:4-6) have been regarded by some scholars as an editorial addition to the entire book, on the ground that they either summarized the message of Malachi or that they indicated that the people should henceforth look to the traditional Mosaic law now that the voice of prophecy had ceased.
11. Theology. The spirituality of Malachi is akin to that of the 8th and 7th cent. b.c. prophets. He recognized the absolute lordship of the God of Israel, and the implications of the covenant relationship for the growth and well-being of the postexilic theocratic community. Personal commitment to the claims of God could alone insure blessing and peace, either for the individual or the nation. While, with Ezekiel, he laid considerable stress on the importance of proper ritual procedures in worship as a means of preserving a pure and holy nation, he never condoned ritual as a substitute for an obedient heart. The true service of God included moral rectitude, justice and mercy, as well as correct ritual forms. Important also in the theology of Malachi was the insistence that the first step toward a proper spiritual relationship with God was true repentance. Because of the many objections which had been raised against the traditional approach to the problem of evil, Malachi found it necessary to emphasize that iniquity would not go unpunished for ever, but that a just and holy God would exact proper recompense in due time. His eschatology drew heavily upon prophets such as Amos and Zephaniah in outlining the conditions which would obtain in the “day of the Lord.” It would be a time of calamity rather than blessing, in which deluded sinners would be punished for their violations of covenant love. Malachi, however, introduced an original theme, namely the concept of a book of remembrance, in which the deeds of the righteous were recorded. This development was important in subsequent thought relating to the idea of a life beyond death. Another significant emphasis was upon the personage of a forerunner who would herald the coming of the Lord at the time of judgment. Since this individual was identified with a revived Elijah (cf. 2 Kings 2:11) it would seem probable that the forerunn er was thought of as a prophetic figure who would offer a disobedient people one last chance of repentance before the onset of divine judgment. Christ regarded the prophecy as foreshadowing the work of John the Baptist (Mark 9:11-13), and the Early Church saw in the relationship between the work of the Baptist and that of Jesus the fulfillment of this prophecy (Mark 1:2; Luke 1:17).
Bibliography W. O. E. Oesterley and T. H. Robinson, An Introduction to the Books of the Old Testament (1934), 427-433; R. K. Harrison, Introduction to the Old Testament (1968), 958-962.